Three months into the widespread outbreak in the United States, the data on racial disparities in coronavirus infections and deaths is staggering. Majority-black counties have three times the rate of infections and nearly six times the rate of deaths as their white counterparts, according to a Washington Post analysis from April. The racial disparity in police violence is nearly as stark. In Minneapolis, where George Floyd was horrifically killed by law enforcement, police officers use force against blacks seven times more often than against whites. Studies show that black men in America are up to 3.5 times more likely than whites to be killed by law enforcement; 1 in every 1,000 black men will die at the hands of police.
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Floyd’s autopsy revealed that he had tested positive for the coronavirus, though he had no symptoms and it wasn’t a factor in his death. Perhaps the most tragic similarity between these twin pandemics is that the tepid response from the federal government can be largely attributed to the fact that the same populations — poor, dispossessed minorities — disproportionately make up the dead and suffering. The government’s reaction would be dramatically different if these plagues mostly affected white middle-class populations. Black lives seem not to matter, which reveals an underlying eugenic ideology in the United States of letting disease and violence thin the herds of undesirable groups.
By now, we have a good understanding of the environmental conditions that can allow viruses to spread uncontrollably. But what explains the police violence pandemic? Much of the debate boils down to whether it stems from officers’ implicit or explicit biases. Both of these arguments acknowledge the structural and institutional nature of racism. While explicit bias suggests that police have an active disdain and disregard for black lives, implicit-bias models emphasize the ways that police are trained to automatically associate blackness with danger or criminality, leading them to unconsciously use harsher force than they would in similar situations with white people.
But whether implicit or explicit bias provides the better explanation is a distinction without much difference. Combating police violence isn’t about figuring out the motivations of individual “bad apples.” It’s about understanding how a network of government-sponsored brutality across 18,000 local, state, county and federal law enforcement agencies can, in lockstep, without any central organization, create persistent terror in black communities. To understand the conditions that give rise to appalling behavior such as the killing of George Floyd over an allegedly fake $20 bill, we have to take a close look at the conditions that signal to all police officers that they can treat black people with utter disdain and brutality, with little consequence.
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